Thomas Jefferson 1807 State of the Union Address
27 October 1807
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:
Circumstance, fellow citizens, which seriously threatened the peace
of our country have made it a duty to convene you at an earlier period
than usual. The love of peace so much cherished in the bosoms of our citizens,
which has so long guided the proceedings of their public councils and induced
forbearance under so many wrongs, may not insure our continuance in the
quiet pursuits of industry. The many injuries and depredations committed
on our commerce and navigation upon the high seas for years past, the successive
innovations on those principles of public law which have been established
by the reason and usage of nations as the rule of their intercourse and
the umpire and security of their rights and peace, and all the circumstances
which induced the extraordinary mission to London are already known to
you.
The instructions given to our ministers were framed in the sincerest
spirit of amity and moderation. They accordingly proceeded, in conformity
therewith, to propose arrangements which might embrace and settle all the
points in difference between us, which might bring us to a mutual understanding
on our neutral and national rights and provide for a commercial intercourse
on conditions of some equality. After long and fruitless endeavors to effect
the purposes of their mission and to obtain arrangements within the limits
of their instructions, they concluded to sign such as could be obtained
and to send them for consideration, candidly declaring to the other negotiators
at the same time that they were acting against their instructions, and
that their Government, therefore, could not be pledged for ratification.
Some of the articles proposed might have been admitted on a principle
of compromise, but others were too highly disadvantageous, and no sufficient
provision was made against the principal source of the irritations and
collisions which were constantly endangering the peace of the two nations.
The question, therefore, whether a treaty should be accepted in that form
could have admitted but of one decision, even had no declarations of the
other party impaired our confidence in it. Still anxious not to close the
door against friendly adjustment, new modifications were framed and further
concessions authorized than could before have been supposed necessary;
and our ministers were instructed to resume their negotiations on these
grounds.
On this new reference to amicable discussion we were reposing in confidence,
when on the 22nd day of June last by a formal order from a British admiral
the frigate Chesapeake, leaving her port for a distant service, was attacked
by one of those vessels which had been lying in our harbors under the indulgences
of hospitality, was disabled from proceeding, had several of her crew killed
and 4 taken away. On this outrage no commentaries are necessary. Its character
has been pronounced by the indignant voices of our citizens with an emphasis
and unanimity never exceeded. I immediately, by proclamation, interdicted
our harbors and waters to all British armed vessels, forbade intercourse
with them, and uncertain how far hostilities were intended, and the town
of Norfolk, indeed, being threatened with immediate attack, a sufficient
force was ordered for the protection of that place, and such other preparations
commenced and pursued as the prospect rendered proper. An armed vessel
of the United States was dispatched with instructions to our ministers
at London to call on that Government for the satisfaction and security
required by the outrage. A very short interval ought now to bring the answer,
which shall be communicated to you as soon as received; then also, or as
soon after as the public interests shall be found to admit, the unratified
treaty and proceedings relative to it shall be made known to you.
The aggression thus begun has been continued on the part of the British
commanders by remaining within our waters in defiance of the authority
of the country, by habitual violations of its jurisdiction, and at length
by putting to death one of the persons whom they had forcibly taken from
on board the Chesapeake. These aggravations necessarily lead to the policy
either of never admitting an armed vessel into our harbors or of maintaining
in every harbor such an armed force as may constrain obedience to the laws
and protect the lives and property of our citizens against their armed
guests; but the expense of such a standing force and its inconsistence
with our principles dispense with those courtesies which would necessarily
call for it, and leave us equally free to exclude the navy, as we are the
army, of a foreign power from entering our limits.
To former violations of maritime rights another is now added of very
extensive effect. The Government of that nation has issued an order interdicting
all trade by neutrals between ports not in amity with them; and being now
at war with nearly every nation on the Atlantic and Mediterranean seas,
our vessels are required to sacrifice their cargoes at the first port they
touch or to return home without the benefit of going to any other market.
Under this new law of the ocean our trade on the Mediterranean has been
swept away by seizures and condemnations, and that in other seas is threatened
with the same fate.
Our differences with Spain remain still unsettled, no measure having
been taken on her part since my last communications to Congress to bring
them to a close. But under a state of things which may favor reconsideration
they have been recently pressed, and an expectation is entertained that
they may now soon be brought to an issue of some sort. With their subjects
on our borders no new collisions have taken place nor seem immediately
to be apprehended. To our former grounds of complaint has been added a
very serious one, as you will see by the decree a copy of which is now
communicated. Whether this decree, which professes to be conformable to
that of the French Government of 1806 November 21, heretofore communicated
to Congress, will also be conformed to that in its construction and application
in relation to the United States had not been ascertained at the date of
our last communications. These, however, gave reason to expect such a conformity.
With the other nations of Europe our harmony has been uninterrupted,
and commerce and friendly intercourse have been maintained on their usual
footing.
Our peace with the several states on the coast of Barbary appears as
firm as at any former period and as likely to continue as that of any other
nation.
Among our Indian neighbors in the northwestern quarter some fermentation
was observed soon after the late occurrences, threatening the continuance
of our peace. Messages were said to be interchanged and tokens to be passing,
which usually denote a state of restless among them, and the character
of the agitators pointed to the sources of excitement. Measures were immediately
taken for providing against that danger; instructions were given to require
explanations, and, with assurances of our continued friendship, to admonish
the tribes to remain quiet at home, taking no part in quarrels not belonging
to them. As far as we are yet informed, the tribes in our vicinity, who
are most advanced in the pursuits of industry, are sincerely disposed to
adhere to their friendship with us and to their peace with all others,
while those more remote do not present appearances sufficiently quiet to
justify the intermission of military precaution on our part.
The great tribes on our southwestern quarter, much advanced beyond the
others in agriculture and household arts, appear tranquil and identifying
their views with ours in proportion to their advancement. With the whole
of these people, in every quarter, I shall continue to inculcate peace
and friendship with all their neighbors and perseverance in those occupations
and pursuits which will best promote their own well-being.
The appropriations of the last session for the defense of our sea port
towns and harbors were made under expectation that a continuance of our
peace would permit us to proceed in that work according to our convenience.
It has been thought better to apply the sums then given toward the defense
of New York, Charleston, and New Orleans chiefly, as most open and most
likely first to need protection, and to leave places less immediately in
danger to the provisions of the present session.
The gun boats, too, already provided have on a like principle been chiefly
assigned to New York, New Orleans, and the Chesapeake. Whether our movable
force on the water, so material in aid of the defensive works on the land,
should be augmented in this or any other form is left to the wisdom of
the Legislature. For the purpose of manning these vessels in sudden attacks
on our harbors it is a matter for consideration whether the sea men of
the United States may not justly be formed into a special militia, to be
called on for tours of duty in defense of the harbors where they shall
happen to be, the ordinary militia of the place furnishing that portion
which may consist of landsmen.
The moment our peace was threatened I deemed it indispensable to secure
a greater provision of those articles of military stores with which our
magazines were not sufficiently furnished. To have awaited a previous and
special sanction by law would have lost occasions which might not be retrieved.
I did not hesitate, therefore, to authorize engagements for such supplements
to our existing stock as would render it adequate to the emergencies threatening
us, and I trust that the Legislature, feeling the same anxiety for the
safety of our country, so materially advanced by this precaution, will
approve, when done, what they would have seen so important to be done if
then assembled. Expenses, also unprovided for, arose out of the necessity
of calling all our gun boats into actual service for the defense of our
harbors; all of which accounts will be laid before you.
Whether a regular army is to be raised, and to what extent, must depend
on the information so shortly expected. In the mean time I have called
on the States for quotas of militia, to be in readiness for present defense,
and have, moreover, encouraged the acceptance of volunteers; and I am happy
to inform you that these have offered themselves with great alacrity in
every part of the Union. They are ordered to be organized and ready at
a moment's warning to proceed on any service to which they may be called,
and every preparation within the Executive powers has been made to insure
us the benefit of early exertions.
I informed Congress at their last session of the enterprises against
the public peace which were believed to be in preparation by Aaron Burr
and his associates, of the measures taken to defeat them and to bring the
offenders to justice. Their enterprises were happily defeated by the patriotic
exertions of the militia whenever called into action, by the fidelity of
the Army, and energy of the commander in chief in promptly arranging the
difficulties presenting themselves on the Sabine, repairing to meet those
arising on the Mississippi, and dissipating before their explosion plots
engendering there. I shall think it my duty to lay before you the proceedings
and the evidence publicly exhibited on the arraignment of the principal
offenders before the circuit court of Virginia.
You will be enabled to judge whether the defect was in the testimony,
in the law, or in the administration of the law; and wherever it shall
be found, the Legislature alone can apply or originate the remedy. The
framers of our Constitution certainly supposed they had guarded as well
their Government against destruction by treason as their citizens against
oppression under pretense of it, and if these ends are not attained it
is of importance to inquire by what means more effectual they may be secured.
The accounts of the receipts of revenue during the year ending on the
30th day of September last being not yet made up, a correct statement will
be hereafter transmitted from the Treasury. In the mean time, it is ascertained
that the receipts have amounted to near $16M, which, with the $5.5M in
the Treasury at the beginning of the year, have enabled us, after meeting
the current demands and interest incurred, to pay more than $4M of the
principal of our funded debt. These payments, with those of the preceding
5.5 years, have extinguished of the funded debt $25.5M, being the whole
which could be paid or purchased within the limits of the law and of our
contracts, and have left us in the Treasury $8.5M.
A portion of this sum may be considered as a commencement of accumulation
of the surpluses of revenue which, after paying the installments of debt
as they shall become payable, will remain without any specific object.
It may partly, indeed, be applied toward completing the defense of the
exposed points of our country, on such a scale as shall be adapted to our
principles and circumstances. This object is doubtless among the 1st entitled
to attention in such a state of our finances, and it is one which, whether
we have peace or war, will provide security where it is due. Whether what
shall remain of this, with the future surpluses, may be usefully applied
to purposes already authorized or more usefully to others requiring new
authorities, or how otherwise they shall be disposed of, are questions
calling for the notice of Congress, unless, indeed, they shall be superseded
by a change in our public relations now awaiting the determination of others.
Whatever be that determination, it is a great consolation that it will
become known at a moment when the supreme council of the nation is assembled
at its post, and ready to give the aids of its wisdom and authority to
whatever course the good of our country shall then call us to pursue.
Matters of minor importance will be the subjects of future communications,
and nothing shall be wanting on my part which may give information or dispatch
to the proceedings of the Legislature in the exercise of their high duties,
and at a moment so interesting to the public welfare.
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