Thomas Jefferson 1805 State of the Union Address
3 December 1805
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:
At a moment when the nations of Europe are in commotion and arming against
each other, and when those with whom we have principal intercourse are
engaged in the general contest, and when the countenance of some of them
toward our peaceable country threatens that even that may not be unaffected
by what is passing on the general theater, a meeting of the representatives
of the nation in both Houses of Congress has become more than usually desirable.
Coming from every section of our country, they bring with them the sentiments
and the information of the whole, and will be enabled to give a direction
to the public affairs which the will and the wisdom of the whole will approve
and support.
In taking a view of the state of our country we in the first place notice
the late affliction of two of our cities under the fatal fever which in
latter times has occasionally visited our shores. Providence in His goodness
gave it an early termination on this occasion and lessened the number of
victims which have usually fallen before it. In the course of the several
visitations by this disease it has appeared that it is strictly local,
incident to cities and on the tide waters only, incommunicable in the country
either by persons under the disease or by goods carried from diseased places;
that its access is with the autumn and it disappears with the early frosts.
These restrictions within narrow limits of time and space give security
even to our maritime cities during three quarter of the year, and to the
country always. Although from these facts it appears unnecessary, yet to
satisfy the fears of foreign nations and cautions on their part not to
be complained of in a danger whose limits are yet unknown to them I have
strictly enjoined on the officers at the head of the customs to certify
with exact truth for every vessel sailing for a foreign port the state
of health respecting this fever which prevails at the place from which
she sails. Under every motive from character and duty to certify the truth,
I have no doubt they have faithfully executed this injunction. Much real
injury has, however, been sustained from a propensity to identify with
this endemic and to call by the same name fevers of very different kinds,
which have been known at all times and in all countries, and never have
been placed among those deemed contagious.
As we advance in our knowledge of this disease, as facts develop the
source from which individuals receive it, the State authorities charged
with the care of the public health, and Congress with that of the general
commerce, will become able to regulate with effect their respective functions
in these departments. The burthen of quarantines is felt at home as well
as abroad; their efficacy merits examination. Although the health laws
of the States should be found to need no present revisal by Congress, yet
commerce claims that their attention be ever awake to them.
Since our last meeting the aspect of our foreign relations has considerably
changed. Our coasts have been infested and our harbors watched by private
armed vessels, some of them without commissions, some with illegal commissions,
others with those of legal form, but committing practical acts beyond the
authority of their commissions. They have captured in the very entrance
of our harbors, as well as on the high seas, not only the vessels of our
friends coming to trade with us, but our own also. They have carried them
off under pretense of legal adjudication, but not daring to approach a
court of justice, they have plundered and sunk them by the way or in obscure
places where no evidence could arise against them, maltreated the crews,
and abandoned them in boats in the open sea or on desert shores without
food or clothing. These enormities appearing to be unreached by any control
of their sovereigns, I found it necessary to equip a force to cruise within
our own seas, to arrest all vessels of these descriptions found hovering
on our coasts within the limits of the Gulf Stream and to bring the offenders
in for trial as pirates.
The same system of hovering on our coasts and harbors under color of
seeking enemies has been also carried on by public armed ships to the great
annoyance and oppression of our commerce. New principles, too, have been
interpolated into the law of nations, founded neither in justice nor in
the usage or acknowledgment of nations. According to these a belligerent
takes to itself a commerce with its own enemy which it denies to a neutral
on the ground of its aiding that enemy in the war; but reason revolts at
such inconsistency, and the neutral having equal right with the belligerent
to decide the question, the interests of our constituents and the duty
of maintaining the authority of reason, the only umpire between just nations,
impose on us the obligation of providing an effectual and determined opposition
to a doctrine so injurious to the rights of peaceable nations. Indeed,
the confidence we ought to have in the justice of others still countenances
the hope that a sounder view of those rights will of itself induce from
every belligerent a more correct observance of them.
With Spain our negotiations for a settlement of differences have not
had a satisfactory issue. Spoliations during a former war, for which she
had acknowledged herself responsible, have been refused to be compensated
but on conditions affecting other claims in no wise connected with them.
Yet the same practices are renewed in the present war and are already of
great amount. On the Mobile, our commerce passing through that river continues
to be obstructed by arbitrary duties and vexatious searches. Propositions
for adjusting amicably the boundaries of Louisiana have not been acceded
to. While, however, the right is unsettled, we have avoided changing the
state of things by taking new posts or strengthening ourselves in the disputed
territories, in the hope that the other power would not by a contrary conduct
oblige us to meet their example and endanger conflicts of authority the
of which may not be easily controlled. But in this hope we have now reason
to lessen our confidence.
Inroads have been recently made into the Territories of Orleans and
the Mississippi, our citizens have been seized and their property plundered
in the very parts of the former which had been actually delivered up by
Spain, and this by the regular officers and soldiers of that Government.
I have therefore found it necessary at length to give orders to our troops
on that frontier to be in readiness to protect our citizens, and to repel
by arms any similar aggressions in future. Other details necessary for
your full information of the state of things between this country and that
shall be the subject of another communication.
In reviewing these injuries from some of the belligerent powers the
moderation, the firmness, and the wisdom of the Legislature will be called
into action. We ought still to hope that time and a more correct estimate
of interest as well as of character will produce the justice we are bound
to expect, but should any nation deceive itself by false calculations,
and disappoint that expectation, we must join in the unprofitable contest
of trying which party can do the other the most harm.
Some of these injuries may perhaps admit a peaceable remedy. Where that
is competent it is always the most desirable. But some of them are of a
nature to be met by force only, and all of them may lead to it. I can not,
therefore, but recommend such preparations as circumstances call for.
The first object is to place our sea port towns out of the danger of
insult. Measures have been already taken for furnishing them with heavy
cannon for the service of such land batteries as may make a part of their
defense against armed vessels approaching them. In aid of these it is desirable
we should have a competent number of gun boats, and the number, to be competent,
must be considerable. If immediately begun, they may be in readiness for
service at the opening of the next season.
Whether it will be necessary to augment our land forces will be decided
by occurrences probably in the course of your session. In the mean time
you will consider whether it would not be expedient for a state of peace
as well as of war so to organize or class the militia as would enable us
on any sudden emergency to call for the services of the younger portions,
unencumbered with the old and those having families. Upward of 300,000
able-bodied men between the ages of 18 and 26 years, which the last census
shews we may now count within our limits, will furnish a competent # for
offense or defense in any point where they may be wanted, and will give
time for raising regular forces after the necessity of them shall become
certain; and the reducing to the early period of life all its active service
can not but be desirable to our younger citizens of the present as well
as future times, in as much as it engages to them in more advanced age
a quiet and undisturbed repose in the bosom of their families. I can not,
then, but earnestly recommend to your early consideration the expediency
of so modifying our militia system as, by a separation of the more active
part from that which is less so, we may draw from it when necessary an
efficient corps fit for real and active service, and to be called to it
in regular rotation.
Considerable provision has been made under former authorities from Congress
of material for the construction of ships of war of 74 guns. These materials
are on hand subject to the further will of the Legislature.
An immediate prohibition of the exportation of arms and ammunition is
also submitted to your determination.
Turning from these unpleasant views of violence and wrong, I congratulate
you on the liberation of our fellow citizens who were stranded on the coast
of Tripoli and made prisoners of war. In a government bottomed on the will
of all the life and liberty of every individual citizen become interesting
to all.
In the treaty, therefore, which has concluded our warfare with that
State an article for the ransom of our citizens has been agreed to. An
operation by land by a small band of our country-men and others, engaged
for the occasion in conjunction with the troops of the ex-Bashaw of that
country, gallantly conducted by our late consul, Eaton, and their successful
enterprise on the city of Derne, contributed doubtless to the impression
which produced peace, and the conclusion of this prevented opportunities
of which the officers and men of our squadron destined for Tripoli would
have availed themselves to emulate the acts of valor exhibited by their
brethren in the attack of the last year. Reflecting with high satisfaction
on the distinguished bravery displayed whenever occasions permitted it
in the late Mediterranean service, I think it would be an useful encouragement
as well as a just reward to make an opening for some present promotion
by enlarging our peace establishment of captains and lieutenants.
With Tunis some misunderstandings have arisen not yet sufficiently explained,
but friendly discussions with their ambassador recently arrived and a mutual
disposition to do whatever is just and reasonable can not fail of dissipating
these, so that we may consider our peace on that coast, generally, to be
on as sound a footing as it has been at any preceding time. Still, it will
not be expedient to withdraw immediately the whole of our force from that
sea.
The law providing for a naval peace establishment fixes the number of
frigates which shall be kept in constant service in time of peace, and
prescribes that they shall be manned by not more than two-third of their
complement of sea men and ordinary sea men. Whether a frigate may be trusted
to two-third only of her proper complement of men must depend on the nature
of the service on which she is ordered; that may sometimes, for her safety
as well as to insure her object, require her fullest complement. In adverting
to this subject Congress will perhaps consider whether the best limitation
on the Executive discretion in this case would not be by the # of sea men
which may be employed in the whole service rather than by the # of vessels.
Occasions oftener arise for the employment of small than of large vessels,
and it would lessen risk as well as expense to be authorized to employ
them of preference. The limitation suggested by the # of sea men would
admit a selection of vessels best adapted to the service.
Our Indian neighbors are advancing, many of them with spirit, and others
beginning to engage in the pursuits of agriculture and household manufacture.
They are becoming sensible that the earth yields subsistence with less
labor and more certainty than the forest, and find it their interest from
time to time to dispose of parts of their surplus and waste lands for the
means of improving those they occupy and of subsisting their families while
they are preparing their farms. Since your last session the Northern tribes
have sold to us the lands between the Connecticut Reserve and the former
Indian boundary and those on the Ohio from the same boundary to the rapids
and for a considerable depth inland. The Chickasaws and Cherokees have
sold us the country between and adjacent to the two districts of Tennessee,
and the Creeks the residue of their lands in the fork of the Ocmulgee up
to the Ulcofauhatche. The three former purchases are important, in as much
as they consolidate disjoined parts of our settled country and render their
intercourse secure; and the second particularly so, as, with the small
point on the river which we expect is by this time ceded by the Piankeshaws,
it completes our possession of the whole of both banks of the Ohio from
its source to near its mouth, and the navigation of that river is thereby
rendered forever safe to our citizens settled and settling on its extensive
waters. The purchase from the Creeks, too, has been for some time particularly
interesting to the State of Georgia.
The several treaties which have been mentioned will be submitted to
both Houses of Congress for the exercise of their respective functions.
Deputations now on their way to the seat of Government from various
nations of Indians inhabiting the Missouri and other parts beyond the Mississippi
come charged with assurances of their satisfaction with the new relations
in which they are placed with us, of their dispositions to cultivate our
peace and friendship, and their desire to enter into commercial intercourse
with us. A state of our progress in exploring the principal rivers of that
country, and of the information respecting them hitherto obtained, will
be communicated as soon as we shall receive some further relations which
we have reason shortly to expect.
The receipts of the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th day
of September last have exceeded the sum of $13M, which, with not quite
$5M in the Treasury at the beginning of the year, have enabled us after
meeting other demands to pay nearly $2M of the debt contracted under the
British treaty and convention, upward of $4M of principal of the public
debt, and $4M of interest. These payments, with those which had been made
in 3 years and a half preceding, have extinguished of the funded debt nearly
$18M of principal. Congress by their act of 1803 November 10, authorized
us to borrow $1.75M toward meeting the claims of our citizens assumed by
the convention with France. We have not, however, made use of this authority,
because the sum of $4.5M, which remained in the Treasury on the same 30th
day of September last, with the receipts of which we may calculate on for
the ensuing year, besides paying the annual sum of $8M appropriated to
the funded debt and meeting all the current demands which may be expected,
will enable us to pay the whole sum of $3.75M assumed by the French convention
and still leave us a surplus of nearly $1M at our free disposal. Should
you concur in the provisions of arms and armed vessels recommended by the
circumstances of the times, this surplus will furnish the means of doing
so.
On this first occasion of addressing Congress since, by the choice of
my constituents, I have entered on a second term of administration, I embrace
the opportunity to give this public assurance that I will exert my best
endeavors to administer faithfully the executive department, and will zealously
cooperate with you in every measure which may tend to secure the liberty,
property, and personal safety of our fellow citizens, and to consolidate
the republican forms and principles of our Government.
In the course of your session you shall receive all the aid which I
can give for the dispatch of public business, and all the information necessary
for your deliberations, of which the interests of our own country and the
confidence reposed in us by others will admit a communication.
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