In calling you together, fellow citizens, at an earlier day than was
contemplated by the act of the last session of Congress, I have not been
insensible to the personal inconveniences necessarily resulting from an
unexpected change in your arrangements, but matters of great public concernment
have rendered this call necessary, and the interests you feel in these
will supersede in your minds all private considerations.
Congress witnessed at their late session the extraordinary agitation
produced in the public mind by the suspension of our right of deposit at
the port of New Orleans, no assignment of another place having been made
according to treaty. They were sensible that the continuance of that privation
would be more injurious to our nation than any consequences which could
flow from any mode of redress, but reposing just confidence in the good
faith of the Government whose officer had committed the wrong, friendly
and reasonable representations were resorted to, and the right of deposit
was restored.
Previous, however, to this period we had not been unaware of the danger
to which our peace would be perpetually exposed whilst so important a key
to the commerce of the Western country remained under foreign power. Difficulties,
too, were presenting themselves as to the navigation of other streams which,
arising within our territories, pass through those adjacent. Propositions
had therefore been authorized for obtaining on fair conditions the sovereignty
of New Orleans and of other possessions in that quarter interesting to
our quiet to such extent as was deemed practicable, and the provisional
appropriation of $2M to be applied and accounted for by the President of
the United States, intended as part of the price, was considered as conveying
the sanction of Congress to the acquisition proposed. The enlightened Government
of France saw with just discernment the importance to both nations of such
liberal arrangements as might best and permanently promote the peace, friendship,
and interests of both, and the property and sovereignty of all Louisiana
which had been restored to them have on certain conditions been transferred
to the United States by instruments bearing date the 30th of April last.
When these shall have received the constitutional sanction of the Senate,
they will without delay be communicated to the Representatives also for
the exercise of their functions as to those conditions which are within
the powers vested by the Constitution in Congress.
Whilst the property and sovereignty of the Mississippi and its waters
secure an independent outlet for the produce of the Western States and
an uncontrolled navigation through their whole course, free from collision
with other powers and the dangers to our peace from that source, the fertility
of the country, its climate and extent, promise in due season important
aids to our Treasury, an ample provision for our posterity, and a wide
spread for the blessings of freedom and equal laws.
With the wisdom of Congress it will rest to take those ulterior measures
which may be necessary for the immediate occupation and temporary government
of the country; for its incorporation into our Union; for rendering the
change of government a blessing to our newly adopted brethren; for securing
to them the rights of conscience and of property; for confirming to the
Indian inhabitants their occupancy and self-government, establishing friendly
and commercial relations with them, and for ascertaining the geography
of the country acquired. Such materials, for your information, relative
to its affairs in general as the short space of time has permitted me to
collect will be laid before you when the subject shall be in a state for
your consideration.
Another important acquisition of territory has also been made since
the last session of Congress. The friendly tribe of Kaskaskia Indians,
with which we have never had a difference, reduced by the wars and wants
of savage life to a few individuals unable to defend themselves against
the neighboring tribes, has transferred its country to the United States,
reserving only for its members what is sufficient to maintain them in an
agricultural way. The considerations stipulated are that we shall extend
to them our patronage and protection and give them certain annual aids
in money, in implements of agriculture, and other articles of their choice.
This country, among the most fertile within our limits, extending along
the Mississippi from the mouth of the Illinois to and up to the Ohio, though
not so necessary as a barrier since the acquisition of the other bank,
may yet be well worthy of being laid open to immediate settlement, as its
inhabitants may descend with rapidity in support of the lower country should
future circumstances expose that to foreign enterprise. As the stipulations
in this treaty involve matters with the competence of both Houses only,
it will be laid before Congress as soon as the Senate shall have advised
its ratification.
With many of the other Indian tribes improvements in agriculture and
household manufacture are advancing, and with all our peace and friendship
are established on grounds much firmer than heretofore. The measure adopted
of establishing trading houses among them and of furnishing them necessaries
in exchange for their commodities at such moderate prices as leave no gain,
but cover us from loss, has the most conciliatory and useful effect on
them, and is that which will best secure their peace and good will.
The small vessels authorized by Congress with a view to the Mediterranean
service have been sent into that sea, and will be able more effectually
to confine the Tripoline cruisers within their harbors and supersede the
necessity of convoy to our commerce in that quarter. They will sensibly
lessen the expenses of that service the ensuing year.
A further knowledge of the ground in the northeastern and northwestern
angles of the United States has evinced that the boundaries established
by the treaty of Paris between the British territories and ours in those
parts were too imperfectly described to be susceptible of execution. It
has therefore been thought worthy of attention for preserving and cherishing
the harmony and useful intercourse subsisting between the two nations to
remove by timely arrangements what unfavorable incidents might otherwise
render a ground of future misunderstanding. A convention has therefore
been entered into which provides for a practicable demarcation of those
limits to the satisfaction of both parties.
An account of the receipts and expenditures of the year ending the 30th
of September last, with the estimates for the service of the ensuing year,
will be laid before you by the Secretary of the Treasury so soon as the
receipts of the last quarter shall be returned from the more distant States.
It is already ascertained that the amount paid into the Treasury for that
year has been between $11M and $12M, and that the revenue accrued during
the same term exceeds the sum counted on as sufficient for our current
expenses and to extinguish the public debt within the period heretofore
proposed.
The amount of debt paid for the same year is about $3.1M exclusive of
interest, and making, with the payment of the preceding year, a discharge
of more than $8.5M of the principal of that debt, besides the accruing
interest; and there remain in the Treasury nearly $6M. Of these, $880K
have been reserved for payment of the first installment due under the British
convention of 1802 January 08, and $2 millions are what have been before
mentioned as placed by Congress under the power and accountability of the
President toward the price of New Orleans and other territories acquired,
which, remaining untouched, are still applicable to that object and go
in diminution of the sum to be funded for it.
Should the acquisition of Louisiana be constitutionally confirmed and
carried into effect, a sum of nearly $13M will then be added to our public
debt, most of which is payable after 15 years, before which term the present
existing debts will all be discharged by the established operation of the
sinking fund. When we contemplate the ordinary annual augmentation of impost
from increasing population and wealth, the augmentation of the same revenue
by its extension to the new acquisition, and the economies which may still
be introduced into our public expenditures, I can not but hope that Congress
in reviewing their resources will find means to meet the intermediate interest
of this additional debt without recurring to new taxes, and applying to
this object only the ordinary progression of our revenue. Its extraordinary
increase in times of foreign war will be the proper and sufficient fund
for any measures of safety or precaution which that state of things may
render necessary in our neutral position.
Remittances for the installments of our foreign debt having been found
practicable without loss, it has not been thought expedient to use the
power given by a former act of Congress of continuing them by reloans,
and of redeeming instead thereof equal sums of domestic debt, although
no difficulty was found in obtaining that accommodation.
The sum of $50K appropriated by Congress for providing gun boats remains
unexpended. The favorable and peaceable turn of affairs on the Mississippi
rendered an immediate execution of that law unnecessary, and time was desirable
in order that the institution of that branch of our force might begin on
models the most approved by experience. The same issue of events dispensed
with a resort to the appropriation of $1.5M, contemplated for purposes
which were effected by happier means.
We have seen with sincere concern the flames of war lighted up again
in Europe, and nations with which we have the most friendly and useful
relations engaged in mutual destruction. While we regret the miseries in
which we see others involved, let us bow with gratitude to that kind Providence
which, inspiring with wisdom and moderation our late legislative councils
while placed under the urgency of the greatest wrongs guarded us from hastily
entering into the sanguinity contest and left us only to look on and pity
its ravages.
These will be heaviest on those immediately engaged. Yet the nations
pursuing peace will not be exempt from all evil.
In the course of this conflict let it be our endeavor, as it is our
interest and desire,
to cultivate the friendship of the belligerent nations by everyact of
justice and of innocent kindness;
to receive their armed vessels with hospitality from the distresses
of the sea, but to administer the means of annoyance to none;
to establish in our harbors such a police as may maintain law and order;
to restrain our citizens from embarking individually in a war in which
their country takes no part;
to punish severely those persons, citizens or alien, who shall usurp
the cover of our flag for vessels not entitled to it, infecting thereby
with suspicion those of real Americans and committing us into controversies
for the redress of wrongs not our own;
to exact from every nation the observance toward our vessels and citizens
of those principles and practices which all civilized people acknowledge;
to merit the character of a just nation, and maintain that of an independent
one, preferring every consequence to insult and habitual wrong.
Congress will consider whether the existing laws enable us efficaciously
to maintain this course with our citizens in all places and with others
while within the limits of our jurisdiction, and will give them the new
modifications necessary for these objects. Some contraventions of right
have already taken place, both within our jurisdictional limits and on
the high seas. The friendly disposition of the Governments from whose agents
they have proceeded, as well as their wisdom and regard for justice, leave
us in reasonable expectation that they will be rectified and prevented
in future, and that no act will be countenanced by them which threatens
to disturb our friendly intercourse.
Separated by a wide ocean from the nations of Europe and from the political
interests which entangle them together, with productions and wants which
render our commerce and friendship useful to them and theirs to us, it
can not be the interest of any to assail us, nor ours to disturb them.
We should be most unwise, indeed, were we to cast away the singular blessings
of the position in which nature has placed us, the opportunity she has
endowed us with of pursuing, at a distance from foreign contentions, the
paths of industry, peace, and happiness, of cultivating general friendship,
and of bringing collisions of interest to the umpirage of reason rather
than of force.
How desirable, then, must it be in a Government like ours to see its
citizens adopt individually the views, the interests, and the conduct which
their country should pursue, divesting themselves of those passions and
partialities which tend to lessen useful friendships and to embarrass and
embroil us in the calamitous scenes of Europe. Confident, fellow citizens,
that you will duly estimate the importance of neutral dispositions toward
the observance of neutral conduct, that you will be sensible how much it
is our duty to look on the bloody arena spread before us with commiseration
indeed, but with no other wish than to see it closed, I am persuaded you
will cordially cherish these dispositions in all discussions among yourselves
and in all communications with your constituents; and I anticipate with
satisfaction the measures of wisdom which the great interests now committed
to you will give you an opportunity of providing, and myself that of approving
and carrying into execution with the fidelity I owe to my country.
