Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
It is a circumstance of sincere gratification to me that on meeting
the great council of our nation I am able to announce to them on grounds
of reasonable certainty that the wars and troubles which have for so many
years afflicted our sister nations have at length come to an end, and that
the communications of peace and commerce are once more opening among them.
Whilst we devoutly return thanks to the beneficent Being who has been pleased
to breathe into them the spirit of conciliation and forgiveness, we are
bound with peculiar gratitude to be thankful to Him that our own peace
has been preserved through so perilous a season, and ourselves permitted
quietly to cultivate the earth and to practice and improve those arts which
tend to increase our comforts. The assurances, indeed, of friendly disposition
received from all the powers with whom we have principle relations had
inspired a confidence that our peace with them would not have been disturbed.
But a cessation of irregularities which had affected the commerce of neutral
nations and of the irritations and injuries produced by them can not but
add to this confidence, and strengthens at the same time the hope that
wrongs committed on unoffending friends under a pressure of circumstances
will now be reviewed with candor, and will be considered as founding just
claims of retribution for the past and new assurance for the future.
Among our Indian neighbors also a spirit of peace and friendship generally
prevails, and I am happy to inform you that the continued efforts to introduce
among them the implements and the practice of husbandry and the household
arts have not been without success; that they are becoming more and more
sensible of the superiority of this dependence for clothing and subsistence
over the precarious resources of hunting and fishing, and already we are
able to announce that instead of that constant diminution of their numbers
produced by their wars and their wants, some of them begin to experience
an increase of population.
To this state of general peace with which we have been blessed, one
only exception exists. Tripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary States,
had come forward with demands unfounded either in right or in compact,
and had permitted itself to denounce war on our failure to comply before
a given day. The style of the demand admitted but one answer.
I sent a small squadron of frigates into the Mediterranean, with assurances
to that power of our sincere desire to remain in peace, but with orders
to protect our commerce against the threatened attack. The measure was
seasonable and salutary. The Bey had already declared war. His cruisers
were out. Two had arrived at Gibraltar. Our commerce in the Mediterranean
was blockaded and that of the Atlantic in peril.
The arrival of our squadron dispelled the danger. One of the Tripolitan
cruisers having fallen in with and engaged the small schooner Enterprise,
commanded by Lieutenant Sterret, which had gone as a tender to our larger
vessels, was captured, after a heavy slaughter of her men, without the
loss of a single 1 on our part. The bravery exhibited by our citizens on
that element will, I trust, be a testimony to the world that it is not
the want of that virtue which makes us seek their peace, but a conscientious
desire to direct the energies of our nation to the multiplication of the
human race, and not to its destruction. Unauthorized by the Constitution,
without the sanction of Congress, to go beyond the line of defense, the
vessel, being disabled from committing further hostilities, was liberated
with its crew.
The Legislature will doubtless consider whether, by authorizing measures
of offense also, they will place our force on an equal footing with that
of its adversaries. I communicate all material information on this subject,
that in the exercise of this important function confided by the Constitution
to the Legislature exclusively their judgment may form itself on a knowledge
and consideration of every circumstances of weight.
I wish I could say that our situation with all the other Barbary States
was entirely satisfactory. Discovering that some delays had taken place
in the performance of certain articles stipulated by us, I thought it my
duty, by immediate measures for fulfilling them, to vindicate to ourselves
the right of considering the effect of departure from stipulation on their
side. From the papers which will be laid before you you will be enabled
to judge whether our treaties are regarded by them as fixing at all the
measure of their demands or as guarding from the exercise of force our
vessels within their power, and to consider how far it will be safe and
expedient to leave our affairs with them in their present posture.
I lay before you the result of the census lately taken of our inhabitants,
to a conformity with which we are now to reduce the ensuing ration of representation
and taxation. You will perceive that the increase of numbers during the
last 10 years, proceeding in geometric ratio, promises a duplication in
little more than 22 years. We contemplate this rapid growth and the prospect
it holds up to us, not with a view to the injuries it may enable us to
do others in some future day, but to the settlement of the extensive country
still remaining vacant within our limits to the multiplication of men susceptible
of happiness, educated in the love of order, habituated to self-government,
and valuing its blessings above all price.
Other circumstances, combined with the increase of numbers, have produced
an augmentation of revenue arising from consumption in a ratio far beyond
that of population alone; and though the changes in foreign relations now
taking place so desirably for the whole world may for a season affect this
branch of revenue, yet weighing all probabilities of expense as well as
of income, there is reasonable ground of confidence that we may now safely
dispense with all the internal taxes, comprehending excise, stamps, auctions,
licenses, carriages, and refined sugars, to which the postage on news papers
may be added to facilitate the progress of information, and that the remaining
sources of revenue will be sufficient to provide for the support of Government,
to pay the interest of the public debts, and to discharge the principals
within shorter periods than the laws or the general expectation had contemplated.
War, indeed, and untoward events may change this prospect of things
and call for expenses which imposts could not meet; but sound principles
will not justify our taxing the industry of our fellow citizens to accumulate
treasure for wars to happen we know not when, and which might not, perhaps,
happen but from the temptations offered by that treasure.
These views, however, of reducing our burthens are formed on the expectation
that a sensible and at the same time a salutary reduction may take place
in our habitual expenditures. For this purpose those of the civil Government,
the Army, and Navy will need revisal.
When we consider that this Government is charged with the external and
mutual relations only of these States; that the States themselves have
principal care of our persons, our property, and our reputation, constituting
the great field of human concerns, we may well doubt whether our organization
is not too complicated, too expensive; whether offices and officers have
not been multiplied unnecessarily and sometimes injuriously to the service
they were meant to promote.
I will cause to be laid before you an essay toward a statement of those
who, under public employment of various kinds, draw money from the Treasury
or from our citizens. Time has not permitted a perfect enumeration, the
ramifications of office being too multiplied and remote to be completely
traced in a 1st trial.
Among those who are dependent on Executive discretion I have begun the
reduction of what was deemed unnecessary. The expenses of diplomatic agency
have been considerably diminished. The inspectors of internal revenue who
were found to obstruct the accountability of the institution have been
discontinued. Several agencies created by Executive authorities, on salaries
fixed by that also, have been suppressed, and should suggest the expediency
of regulating that power by law, so as to subject its exercises to legislative
inspection and sanction.
Other reformations of the same kind will be pursued with that caution
which is requisite in removing useless things, not to injure what is retained.
But the great mass of public offices is established by law, and therefore
by law alone can be abolished. Should the Legislature think it expedient
to pass this roll in review and try all its parts by the test of public
utility, they may be assured of every aid and light which Executive information
can yield.
Considering the general tendency to multiply offices and dependencies
and to increase expense to the ultimate term of burthen which the citizen
can bear, it behooves us to avail ourselves of every occasion which presents
itself for taking off the surcharge, that it never may be seen here that
after leaving to labor the smallest portion of its earnings on which it
can subsist, Government shall itself consume the whole residue of what
it was instituted to guard.
In our care, too, of the public contributions intrusted to our direction
it would be prudent to multiply barriers against their dissipation by appropriating
specific sums to every specific purpose susceptible of definition; by disallowing
all applications of money varying from the appropriation in object or transcending
it in amount; by reducing the undefined field of contingencies and thereby
circumscribing discretionary powers over money, and by bringing back to
a single department all accountabilities for money, where the examinations
may be prompt, efficacious, and uniform.
An account of the receipts and expenditures of the last year, as prepared
by the Secretary of the Treasury, will, as usual, be laid before you. The
success which has attended the late sales of the public lands shews that
with attention they may be made an important source of receipt. Among the
payments those made in discharge of the principal and interest of the national
debt will shew that the public faith has been exactly maintained. To these
will be added an estimate of appropriations necessary for the ensuing year.
This last will, of course, be affected by such modifications of the system
of expense as you shall think proper to adopt.
A statement has been formed by the Secretary of War, on mature consideration,
of all the posts and stations where garrisons will be expedient and of
the number of men requisite for each garrison. The whole amount is considerably
short of the present military establishment. For the surplus no particular
use can be pointed out.
For defense against invasion their number is as nothing, nor is it conceived
needful or safe that a standing army should be kept up in time of peace
for that purpose. Uncertain as we must ever be of the particular point
in our circumference where an enemy may choose to invade us, the only force
which can be ready at every point and competent to oppose them is the body
of the neighboring citizens as formed into a militia. On these, collected
from the parts most convenient in numbers proportioned to the invading
force, it is best to rely not only to meet the 1st attack, but if it threatens
to be permanent to maintain the defense until regulars may be engaged to
relieve them. These considerations render it important that we should at
every session continue to amend the defects which from time to time shew
themselves in the laws for regulating the militia until they are sufficiently
perfect. Nor should we now or at any time separate until we say we have
done everything for the militia which we could do were an enemy at our
door.
The provision of military stores on hand will be laid before you, that
you may judge of the additions still requisite.
With respect to the extent to which our naval preparations should be
expected to appear, but just attention to the circumstances of every part
of the Union will doubtless reconcile all. A small force will probably
continue to be wanted for actual service in the Mediterranean. Whatever
annual sum beyond that you may think proper to appropriate to naval preparations
would perhaps be better employed in providing those articles which may
be kept without waste or consumption, and be in readiness when any exigence
calls them into use. Progress has been made, as will appear by papers now
communicated, in providing materials for 74-gun ships as directed by law.
How far the authority given by the Legislature for procuring and establishing
sites for naval purposes has been perfectly understood and pursued in the
execution admits of some doubt. A statement of the expenses already incurred
on that subject is now laid before you. I have in certain cases suspended
or slackened these expenditures, that the Legislature might determine whether
so many yards are necessary as have been contemplated.
The works at this place are among those permitted to go on, and 5 of
the 7 frigates directed to be laid up have been brought and laid up here,
where, besides the safety of their position, they are under the eye of
the Executive Administration, as well as of its agents, and where yourselves
also will be guided by your own view in the legislative provisions respecting
them which may from time to time be necessary. They are preserved in such
condition, as well the vessels as whatever belongs to them, as to be at
all times ready for sea on a short warning. Two others are yet to be laid
up so soon as they shall have received the repairs requisite to put them
also into sound condition. As a superintending officer will be necessary
at each yard, his duties and emoluments, hitherto fixed by the Executive,
will be a more proper subject for legislation. A communication will also
be made of our progress in the execution of the law respecting the vessels
directed to be sold.
The fortifications of our harbors, more of less advanced, present considerations
of great difficulty. While some of them are on a scale sufficiently proportioned
to the advantages of their position, to the efficacy of their protection,
and the importance of the points within it, others are so extensive, will
cost so much in their 1st erection, so much in their maintenance, and require
such a force to garrison them as to make it questionable what is best now
to be done. A statement of those commenced or projected, of the expenses
already incurred, and estimates of their future cost, as far as can be
foreseen, shall be laid before you, that you may be enabled to judge whether
any alteration is necessary in the laws respecting this subject.
Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the 4 pillars of
our prosperity, are then most thriving when left most free to individual
enterprise. Protection from casual embarrassments, however, may sometimes
be seasonably interposed. If in the course of your observations or inquiries
they should appear to need any aid within the limits of our constitutional
powers, your sense of their importance is a sufficient assurance they will
occupy your attention. We can not, indeed, but all feel an anxious solicitude
for the difficulties under which our carrying trade will soon be placed.
How far it can be relieved, otherwise than by time, is a subject of important
consideration.
The judiciary system of the United States, and especially that portion
of it recently erected, will of course present itself to the contemplation
of Congress, and, that they may be able to judge of the proportion which
the institution bears on the business it has to perform, I have caused
to be procured from the several States and now lay before Congress an exact
statement of all the causes decided since the 1st establishment of the
courts, and of those which were depending when additional courts and judges
were brought in to their aid.
And while on the judiciary organization it will be worthy your consideration
whether the protection of the inestimable institution of juries has been
extended to all the cases involving the security of our persons and property.
Their impartial selection also being essential to their value, we ought
further to consider whether that is sufficiently secured in those States
where they are named by a marshal depending on Executive will or designated
by the court or by officers dependent on them.
I can not omit recommending a revisal of the laws on the subject of
naturalization. Considering the ordinary chances of human life, a denial
of citizenship under a residence of 14 years is a denial to a great proportion
of those who ask it, and controls a policy pursued from their 1st settlement
by many of these States, and still believed of consequence to their prosperity;
and shall we refuse to the unhappy fugitives from distress that hospitality
which the savages of the wilderness extended to our fathers arriving in
this land? Shall oppressed humanity find no asylum on this globe? The Constitution
indeed has wisely provided that for admission to certain offices of important
trust a residence shall be required sufficient to develop character and
design. But might not the general character and capabilities of a citizen
be safely communicated to everyone manifesting a bona fide purpose of embarking
his life and fortunes permanently with us, with restrictions, perhaps,
to guard against the fraudulent usurpation of our flag, an abuse which
brings so much embarrassment and loss on the genuine citizen and so much
danger to the nation of being involved in war that no endeavor should be
spared to detect and suppress it?
These, fellow citizens, are the matters respecting the state of the
nation which I have thought of importance to be submitted to your consideration
at this time. Some others of less moment or not yet ready for communication
will be the subject of separate messages. I am happy in this opportunity
of committing the arduous affairs of our Government to the collected wisdom
of the Union. Nothing shall be wanting on my part to inform as far as in
my power the legislative judgment, nor to carry that judgment into faithful
execution.
The prudence and temperance of your discussions will promote within
your own walls that conciliation which so much befriends rational conclusion,
and by its example will encourage among our constituents that progress
of opinion which is tending to unite them in object and in will. That all
should be satisfied with any one order of things is not to be expected;
but I indulge the pleasing persuasion that the great body of our citizens
will cordially concur in honest and disinterested efforts which have for
their object to preserve the General and State Governments in their constitutional
form and equilibrium; to maintain peace abroad, and order and obedience
to the laws at home; to establish principles and practices of administration
favorable to the security of liberty and property, and to reduce expenses
to what is necessary for the useful purposes of Government.
