George Washington 1796 State of the Union Address
7th December 1796.
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
In recurring to the internal situation of our country since I had last
the pleasure to address you, I find ample reason for a renewed expression
of that gratitude to the Ruler of the Universe which a continued series
of prosperity has so often and so justly called forth.
The acts of the last session which required special arrangements have
been as far as circumstances would admit carried into operation.
Measures calculated to insure a continuance of the friendship of the
Indians and to preserve peace along the extent of our interior frontier
have been digested and adopted. In the framing of these care has been taken
to guard on the one hand our advanced settlements from the predatory incursions
of those unruly individuals who can not be restrained by their tribes,
and on the other hand to protect the rights secured to the Indians by treaty
- to draw them nearer to the civilized state and inspire them with correct
conceptions of the power as well as justice of the Government.
The meeting of the deputies from the Creek Nation at Colerain, in the
State of Georgia, which had for a principal object the purchase of a parcel
of their land by that State, broke up without its being accomplished, the
nation having previous to their departure instructed them against making
any sale. The occasion, however, has been improved to confirm by a new
treaty with the Creeks their preexisting engagements with the United States,
and to obtain their consent to the establishment of trading houses and
military posts within their boundary, by means of which their friendship
and the general peace may be more effectually secured.
The period during the late session at which the appropriation was passed
for carrying into effect the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation
between the United States and His Britannic Majesty necessarily procrastinated
the reception of the posts stipulated to be delivered beyond the date assigned
for that event. As soon, however, as the Governor-General of Canada could
be addressed with propriety on the subject, arrangements were cordially
and promptly concluded for their evacuation, and the United States took
possession of the principal of them, comprehending Oswego, Niagara, Detroit,
Michilimackinac, and Fort Miami, where such repairs and additions have
been ordered to be made as appeared indispensable.
The commissioners appointed on the part of the United States and of
Great Britain to determine which is the river St. Croix mentioned in the
treaty of peace of 1783, agreed in the choice of Egbert Benson, esq., of
New York, for the 3rd commissioner. The whole met at St. Andrew's, in Passamaquoddy
Bay, in the beginning of October, and directed surveys to be made of the
rivers in dispute; but deeming it impracticable to have these surveys completed
before the next year, they adjourned to meet at Boston in August, 1797,
for the final decision of the question.
Other commissioners appointed on the part of the United States, agreeably
to the 7th article of the treaty with Great Britain, relative to captures
and condemnation of vessels and other property, met the commissioners of
His Britannic Majesty in London in August last, when John Trumbull, esq.,
was chosen by lot for the 5th commissioner. In October following the board
were to proceed to business. As yet there has been no communication of
commissioners on the part of Great Britain to unite with those who have
been appointed on the part of the United States for carrying into effect
the 6th article of the treaty.
The treaty with Spain required that the commissioners for running the
boundary line between the territory of the United States and His Catholic
Majesty's provinces of East and West Florida should meet at the Natchez
before the expiration of 6 months after the exchange of the ratifications,
which was effected at Aranjuez on the 25th day of April [1796-04-25]; and
the troops of His Catholic Majesty occupying any posts within the limits
of the United States were within the same time period to be withdrawn.
The commissioner of the United States therefore commenced his journey for
the Natchez in September, and troops were ordered to occupy the posts from
which the Spanish garrisons should be withdrawn. Information has been recently
received of the appointment of a commissioner on the part of His Catholic
Majesty for running the boundary line, but none of any appointment for
the adjustment of the claims of our citizens whose vessels were captured
by the armed vessels of Spain.
In pursuance of the act of Congress passed in the last session for the
protection and relief of American sea-men, agents were appointed, one to
reside in Great Britain and the other in the West Indies. The effects of
the agency in the West Indies are not yet fully ascertained, but those
which have been communicated afford grounds to believe the measure will
be beneficial. The agent destined to reside in Great Britain declining
to accept the appointment, the business has consequently devolved on the
minister of the United States in London, and will command his attention
until a new agent shall be appointed.
After many delays and disappointments arising out of the European war,
the final arrangements for fulfilling the engagements made to the Dey and
Regency of Algiers will in all present appearance be crowned with success,
but under great, though inevitable, disadvantages in the pecuniary transactions
occasioned by that war, which will render further provision necessary.
The actual liberation of all our citizens who were prisoners in Algiers,
while it gratifies every feeling of heart, is itself an earnest of a satisfactory
termination of the whole negotiation. Measures are in operation for effecting
treaties with the Regencies of Tunis and Tripoli.
To an active external commerce the protection of a naval force is indispensable.
This is manifest with regard to wars in which a State is itself a party.
But besides this, it is in our own experience that the most sincere neutrality
is not a sufficient guard against the depredations of nations at war. To
secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force organized and ready
to vindicate it from insult or aggression. This may even prevent the necessity
of going to war by discouraging belligerent powers from committing such
violations of the rights of the neutral party as may, first or last, leave
no other option. From the best information I have been able to obtain it
would seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean without a protecting force
will always be insecure and our citizens exposed to the calamities from
which numbers of them have but just been relieved.
These considerations invite the United States to look to the means,
and to set about the gradual creation of a navy. The increasing progress
of their navigation promises them at no distant period the requisite supply
of sea-men, and their means in other respects favor the undertaking. It
is an encouragement, likewise, that their particular situation will give
weight and influence to a moderate naval force in their hands. Will it
not, then, be advisable to begin without delay to provide and lay up the
materials for the building and equipping of ships of war, and to proceed
in the work by degrees, in proportion as our resources shall render it
practicable without inconvenience, so that a future war of Europe may not
find our commerce in the same unprotected state in which it was found by
the present?
Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention
to the encouragement of manufactures. The object is of too much consequence
not to insure a continuance of their efforts in every way which shall appear
eligible. As a general rule, manufactures on public account are inexpedient;
but where the state of things in a country leaves little hope that certain
branches of manufacture will for a great length of time obtain, when these
are of a nature essential to the furnishing and equipping of the public
force in time of war, are not establishments for procuring them on public
account to the extent of the ordinary demand for the public service recommended
by strong considerations of national policy as an exception to the general
rule?
Ought our country to remain in such cases dependent on foreign supply,
precarious because liable to be interrupted? If the necessary article should
in this mode cost more in time of peace, will not the security and independence
thence arising form an ample compensation?
Establishments of this sort, commensurate only with the calls of the
public service in time of peace, will in time of war easily be extended
in proportion to the exigencies of the Government, and may even perhaps
be made to yield a surplus for the supply of our citizens at large, so
as to mitigate the privations from the interruption of their trade. If
adopted, the plan ought to exclude all those branches which are already,
or likely soon to be, established in the country, in order that they may
be no danger of interference with pursuits of individual industry.
It will not be doubted that with reference either to individual or national
welfare agriculture is of primary importance. In proportion as nations
advance in population and other circumstances of maturity this truth becomes
more apparent, and renders the cultivation of the soil more and more an
object of public patronage. Institutions for promoting it grow up, supported
by the public purse; and to what object can it be dedicated with greater
propriety?
Among the means which have been employed to this end none have been
attended with greater success than the establishment of boards (composed
of proper characters) charged with collecting and diffusing information,
and enabled by premiums and small pecuniary aids to encourage and assist
a spirit of discovery and improvement. This species of establishment contributes
doubly to the increase of improvement by stimulating to enterprise and
experiment, and by drawing to a common center the results everywhere of
individual skill and observation, and spreading them thence over the whole
nation. Experience accordingly has shewn that they are very cheap instruments
of immense national benefits.
I have heretofore proposed to the consideration of Congress the expediency
of establishing a national university and also a military academy. the
desirableness of both these institutions has so constantly increased with
every new view I have taken of the subject that I can not omit the opportunity
of once for all recalling your attention to them.
The assembly to which I address myself is too enlightened not to be
fully sensible how much a flourishing state of the arts and sciences contributes
to national prosperity and reputation.
True it is that our country, much to its honor, contains many seminaries
of learning highly repeatable and useful; but the funds upon which they
rest are too narrow to command the ablest professors in the different departments
of liberal knowledge for the institution contemplated, though they would
be excellent auxiliaries.
Amongst the motives to such an institution, the assimilation of the
principles, opinions, and manners of our country-men by the common education
of a portion of our youth from every quarter well deserves attention. The
more homogenous our citizens can be made in these particulars the greater
will be our prospect of permanent union; and a primary object of such a
national institution should be the education of our youth in the science
of government. In a republic what species of knowledge can be equally important
and what duty more pressing on its legislature than to patronize a plan
for communicating it to those who are to be the future guardians of the
liberties of the country?
The institution of a military academy is also recommended by cogent
reasons. However pacific the general policy of a nation may be, it ought
never to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge for emergencies.
The 1st would impair the energy of its character, and both would hazard
its safety or expose it to greater evils when war could not be avoided;
besides that, war might often not depend upon its own choice. In proportion
as the observance of pacific maxims might exempt a nation from the necessity
of practicing the rules of the military art ought to be its care in preserving
and transmitting, by proper establishments, the knowledge of that art.
Whatever argument may be drawn from particular examples superficially
viewed, a thorough examination of the subject will evince that the art
of war is at once comprehensive and complicated, that it demands much previous
study, and that the possession of it in its most improved and perfect state
is always of great moment to the security of a nation. This, therefore,
ought to be a serious care of every government, and for this purpose an
academy where a regular course of instruction is given is an obvious expedient
which different nations have successfully employed.
The compensation to the officers of the United States in various instances,
and in none more than in respect to the most important stations, appear
to call for legislative revision. The consequences of a defective provision
are of serious import to the Government. If private wealth is to supply
the defect of public retribution, it will greatly contract the sphere within
which the selection of character for office is to be made, and will proportionally
diminish the probability of a choice of men able as well as upright. Besides
that, it should be repugnant to the vital principles of our Government
virtually to exclude from public trusts talents and virtue unless accompanied
by wealth.
While in our external relations some serious inconveniences and embarrassments
have been overcome and others lessened, it is with much pain and deep regret
I mention that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred.
Our trade has suffered and is suffering extensive injuries in the West
Indies from the cruisers and agents of the French Republic, and communications
have been received from its minister here which indicate the danger of
a further disturbance of our commerce by its authority, and which are in
other respects far from agreeable.
It has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, in conformity with
that of our nation, to maintain cordial harmony and a perfectly friendly
understanding with that Republic. This wish remains unabated, and I shall
persevere in the endeavor to fulfill it to the utmost extent of what shall
be consistent with a just and indispensable regard to the rights and honor
of our country; nor will I easily cease to cherish the expectation that
a spirit of justice, candor, and friendship on the part of the Republic
will eventually insure success.
In pursuing this course, however, I can not forget what is due to the
character of our Government and nation, or to a full and entire confidence
in the good sense, patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of my country-men.
I reserve for a special message a more particular communication on this
interesting subject.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
I have directed an estimate of the appropriations necessary for the
service of the ensuing year to be submitted from the proper Department,
with a view of the public receipts and expenditures to the latest period
to which an account can be prepared.
It is with satisfaction I am able to inform you that the revenues of
the United States continue in a state of progressive improvement.
A reenforcement of the existing provisions for discharging our public
debt was mentioned in my address at the opening of the last session. Some
preliminary steps were taken toward it, the maturing of which will no doubt
engage your zealous attention during the present. I will only add that
it will afford me a heart-felt satisfaction to concur in such further measures
as will ascertain to our country the prospect of a speedy extinguishment
of the debt. Posterity may have cause to regret if from any motive intervals
of tranquillity are left unimproved for accelerating this valuable end.
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
My solicitude to see the militia of the United States placed on an efficient
establishment has been so often and so ardently expressed that I shall
but barely recall the subject to your view on the present occasion, at
the same time that I shall submit to your inquiry whether our harbors are
yet sufficiently secured.
The situation in which I now stand for the last time, in the midst of
the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls
the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced,
and I can not omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on the
success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the
Supreme Ruler of the Universe and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations that His
providential care may still be extended to the United States, that the
virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved, and that the Government
which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be
perpetual.
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