George Washington 1794 State of the Union Address
19th November 1794.
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
When we call to mind the gracious indulgence of Heaven by which the
American people became a nation; when we survey the general prosperity
of our country, and look forward to the riches, power, and happiness to
which it seems destined, with the deepest regret do I announce to you that
during your recess some of the citizens of the United States have been
found capable of insurrection. It is due, however, to the character of
our Government and to its stability, which can not be shaken by the enemies
of order, freely to unfold the course of this event.
During the session of the year 1790 it was expedient to exercise the
legislative power granted by the Constitution of the United States "to
lay and collect excises". In a majority of the States scarcely an objection
was heard to this mode of taxation. In some, indeed, alarms were at first
conceived, until they were banished by reason and patriotism. In the four
western counties of Pennsylvania a prejudice, fostered and imbittered by
the artifice of men who labored for an ascendency over the will of others
by the guidance of their passions, produced symptoms of riot and violence.
It is well known that Congress did not hesitate to examine the complaints
which were presented, and to relieve them as far as justice dictated or
general convenience would permit. But the impression which this moderation
made on the discontented did not correspond with what it deserved. The
arts of delusion were no longer confined to the efforts of designing individuals.
The very forbearance to press prosecutions was misinterpreted into a fear
of urging the execution of the laws, and associations of men began to denounce
threats against the officers employed. From a belief that by a more formal
concert their operation might be defeated, certain self-created societies
assumed the tone of condemnation. Hence, while the greater part of Pennsylvania
itself were conforming themselves to the acts of excise, a few counties
were resolved to frustrate them. It is now perceived that every expectation
from the tenderness which had been hitherto pursued was unavailing, and
that further delay could only create an opinion of impotency or irresolution
in the Government. Legal process was therefore delivered to the marshal
against the rioters and delinquent distillers.
No sooner was he understood to be engaged in this duty than the vengeance
of armed men was aimed at his person and the person and property of the
inspector of the revenue. They fired upon the marshal, arrested him, and
detained him for some time as a prisoner. He was obliged, by the jeopardy
of his life, to renounce the service of other process on the west side
of the Allegheny Mountain, and a deputation was afterwards sent to him
to demand a surrender of that which he had served. A numerous body repeatedly
attacked the house of the inspector, seized his papers of office, and finally
destroyed by fire his buildings and whatsoever they contained. Both of
these officers, from a just regard to their safety, fled to the seat of
Government, it being avowed that the motives to such outrages were to compel
the resignation of the inspector, to withstand by force of arms the authority
of the United States, and thereby to extort a repeal of the laws of excise
and an alteration in the conduct of Government.
Upon testimony of these facts an associate justice of the Supreme Court
of the United States notified to me that "in the counties of Washington
and Allegheny, in Pennsylvania, laws of the United States were opposed,
and the execution thereof obstructed, by combinations too powerful to be
suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers
vested in the marshal of that district".
On this call, momentous in the extreme, I sought and weighted what might
best subdue the crisis. On the one hand the judiciary was pronounced to
be stripped of its capacity to enforce the laws; crimes which reached the
very existence of social order were perpetrated without control; the friends
of Government were insulted, abused, and overawed into silence or an apparent
acquiescence; and to yield to the treasonable fury of so small a portion
of the United States would be to violate the fundamental principle of our
Constitution, which enjoins that the will of the majority shall prevail.
On the other, to array citizen against citizen, to publish the dishonor
of such excesses, to encounter the expense and other embarrassments of
so distant an expedition, were steps too delicate, too closely interwoven
with many affecting considerations, to be lightly adopted.
I postponed, therefore, the summoning of the militia immediately into
the field, but I required them to be held in readiness, that if my anxious
endeavors to reclaim the deluded and to convince the malignant of their
danger should be fruitless, military force might be prepared to act before
the season should be too far advanced.
My proclamation of the 7th of August last [1794-08-07] was accordingly
issued, and accompanied by the appointment of commissioners, who were charged
to repair to the scene of insurrection. They were authorized to confer
with any bodies of men or individuals. They were instructed to be candid
and explicit in stating the sensations which had been excited in the Executive,
and his earnest wish to avoid a resort to coercion; to represent, however,
that, without submission, coercion must be the resort; but to invite them,
at the same time, to return to the demeanor of faithful citizens, by such
accommodations as lay within the sphere of Executive power. Pardon, too,
was tendered to them by the Government of the United States and that of
Pennsylvania, upon no other condition than a satisfactory assurance of
obedience to the laws.
Although the report of the commissioners marks their firmness and abilities,
and must unite all virtuous men, by shewing that the means of conciliation
have been exhausted, all of those who had committed or abetted the tumults
did not subscribe the mild form which was proposed as the atonement, and
the indications of a peaceable temper were neither sufficiently general
nor conclusive to recommend or warrant the further suspension of the march
of the militia.
Thus the painful alternative could not be discarded. I ordered the militia
to march, after once more admonishing the insurgents in my proclamation
of the 25th of September last [1794-09-25].
It was a task too difficult to ascertain with precision the lowest degree
of force competent to the quelling of the insurrection. From a respect,
indeed, to economy and the ease of my fellow citizens belonging to the
militia, it would have gratified me to accomplish such an estimate. My
very reluctance to ascribe too much importance to the opposition, had its
extent been accurately seen, would have been a decided inducement to the
smallest efficient numbers. In this uncertainty, therefore, I put into
motion 15K men, as being an army which, according to all human calculation,
would be prompt and adequate in every view, and might, perhaps, by rendering
resistance desperate, prevent the effusion of blood. Quotas had been assigned
to the States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, the
governor of Pennsylvania having declared on this occasion an opinion which
justified a requisition to the other States.
As commander in chief of the militia when called into the actual service
of the United States, I have visited the places of general rendezvous to
obtain more exact information and to direct a plan for ulterior movements.
Had there been room for a persuasion that the laws were secure from obstruction;
that the civil magistrate was able to bring to justice such of the most
culpable as have not embraced the proffered terms of amnesty, and may be
deemed fit objects of example; that the friends to peace and good government
were not in need of that aid and countenance which they ought always to
receive, and, I trust, ever will receive, against the vicious and turbulent,
I should have caught with avidity the opportunity of restoring the militia
to their families and homes. But succeeding intelligence has tended to
manifest the necessity of what has been done, it being now confessed by
those who were not inclined to exaggerate the ill conduct of the insurgents
that their malevolence was not pointed merely to a particular law, but
that a spirit inimical to all order has actuated many of the offenders.
If the state of things had afforded reason for the continuance of my presence
with the army, it would not have been withholden. But every appearance
assuring such an issue as will redound to the reputation and strength of
the United States, I have judged it most proper to resume my duties at
the seat of Government, leaving the chief command with the governor of
Virginia.
Still, however, as it is probable that in a commotion like the present,
whatsoever may be the pretense, the purposes of mischief and revenge may
not be laid aside, the stationing of a small force for a certain period
in the four western counties of Pennsylvania will be indispensable, whether
we contemplate the situation of those who are connected with the execution
of the laws or of others who may have exposed themselves by an honorable
attachment to them. Thirty days from the commencement of this session being
the legal limitation of the employment of the militia, Congress can not
be too early occupied with this subject.
Among the discussions which may arise from this aspect of our affairs,
and from the documents which will be submitted to Congress, it will not
escape their observation that not only the inspector of the revenue, but
other officers of the United States in Pennsylvania have, from their fidelity
in the discharge of their functions, sustained material injuries to their
property. The obligation and policy of indemnifying them are strong and
obvious. It may also merit attention whether policy will not enlarge this
provision to the retribution of other citizens who, though not under the
ties of office, may have suffered damage by their generous exertions for
upholding the Constitution and the laws. The amount, even if all the injured
were included, would not be great, and on future emergencies the Government
would be amply repaid by the influence of an example that he who incurs
a loss in its defense shall find a recompense in its liberality.
While there is cause to lament that occurrences of this nature should
have disgraced the name or interrupted the tranquillity of any part of
our community, or should have diverted to a new application any portion
of the public resources, there are not wanting real and substantial consolations
for the misfortune. It has demonstrated that our prosperity rests on solid
foundations, by furnishing an additional that my fellow citizens understand
the true principles of government and liberty; that they feel their inseparable
union; that notwithstanding all the devices which have been used to sway
them from their interest and duty, they are not as ready to maintain the
authority of the laws against licentious invasions as they were to defend
their rights against usurpation. It has been a spectacle displaying to
the highest advantage of republican government to behold the most and the
least wealthy of our citizens standing in the same ranks as private soldiers,
preeminently distinguished by being the army of the Constitution - undeterred
by a march of 300 miles over rugged mountains, by approach of an inclement
season, or by any other discouragement. Nor ought I to omit to acknowledge
the efficacious and patriotic cooperation which I have experienced from
the chief magistrates of the States to which my requisitions have been
addressed.
To every description of citizens, let praise be given. but let them
persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository
of American happiness, the Constitution of the United States. Let them
cherish it, too, for the sake of those who, from every clime, are daily
seeking a dwelling in our land. And when in the calm moments of reflection
they shall have retraced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let
them determine whether it has not been fomented by combinations of men
who, careless of consequences and disregarding the unerring truth that
those who rouse can not always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated,
from an ignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations
of the whole Government.
Having thus fulfilled the engagement which I took when I entered into
office, "to the best of my ability to preserve, protect, and defend the
Constitution of the United States", on you, gentlemen, and the people by
whom you are deputed, I rely for support.
In the arrangement to which the possibility of a similar contingency
will naturally draw your attention it ought not to be forgotten that the
militia laws have exhibited such striking defects as could not have been
supplied by the zeal of our citizens. Besides the extraordinary expense
and waste, which are not the least of the defects, every appeal to those
laws is attended with a doubt on its success.
The devising and establishing of a well regulated militia would be a
genuine source of legislative honor and a perfect title to public gratitude.
I therefore entertain a hope that the present session will not pass without
carrying to its full energy the power of organizing, arming, and disciplining
the militia, and thus providing, in the language of the Constitution, for
calling them forth to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections,
and repel invasions.
As auxiliary to the state of our defense, to which Congress can never
too frequently recur, they will not omit to inquire whether the fortifications
which have been already licensed by law be commensurate with our exigencies.
The intelligence from the army under the command of General Wayne is
a happy presage to our military operations against the hostile Indians
north of the Ohio. From the advices which have been forwarded, the advance
which he has made must have damped the ardor of the savages and weakened
their obstinacy in waging war against the United States. And yet, even
at this late hour, when our power to punish them can not be questioned,
we shall not be unwilling to cement a lasting peace upon terms of candor,
equity, and good neighborhood.
Toward none of the Indian tribes have overtures of friendship been spared.
The Creeks in particular are covered from encroachment by the imposition
of the General Government and that of Georgia. From a desire also to remove
the discontents of the Six nations, a settlement mediated at Presque Isle,
on Lake Erie, has been suspended, and an agent is now endeavoring to rectify
any misconception into which they may have fallen. But I can not refrain
from again pressing upon your deliberations the plan which I recommended
at the last session for the improvement of harmony with all the Indians
within our limits by the fixing and conducting of trading houses upon the
principles then expressed.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
The time which has elapsed since the commencement of our fiscal measures
has developed our pecuniary resources so as to open the way for a definite
plan for the redemption of the public debt. It is believed that the result
is such as to encourage Congress to consummate this work without delay.
Nothing can more promote the permanent welfare of the nation and nothing
would be more grateful to our constituents. Indeed, whatsoever is unfinished
of our system of public credit can not be benefited by procrastination;
and as far as may be practicable we ought to place that credit on grounds
which can not be disturbed, and to prevent that progressive accumulation
of debt which must ultimately endanger all governments.
An estimate of the necessary appropriations, including the expenditures
into which we have been driven by the insurrection, will be submitted to
Congress.
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
The Mint of the United States has entered upon the coinage of the precious
metals, and considerable sums of defective coins and bullion have been
lodged with the Director by individuals. There is a pleasing prospect that
the institution will at no remote day realize the expectation which was
originally formed of its utility.
In subsequent communications certain circumstances of our intercourse
with foreign nations will be transmitted to Congress. However, it may not
be unseasonable to announce that my policy in our foreign transactions
has been to cultivate peace with all the world; to observe the treaties
with pure and absolute faith; to check every deviation from the line of
impartiality; to explain what may have been misapprehended and correct
what may have been injurious to any nation, and having thus acquired the
right, to lose no time in acquiring the ability to insist upon justice
being done to ourselves.
Let us unite, therefore, in imploring the Supreme Ruler of Nations to
spread his holy protection over these United States; to turn the machinations
of the wicked to the confirming of our Constitution; to enable us at all
times to root out internal sedition and put invasion to flight; to perpetuate
to our country that prosperity which his goodness has already conferred,
and to verify the anticipations of this Government being a safeguard of
human rights.
|
